Stem the flow of migrants by fixing the failed states of the Northern Triangle - Washington Examiner

As far back as the early 1980s, the U.S. government began turning its attention to the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador) with a mix of aid packages, assistance to the police and military, and even free-trade agreements to solve the problem of migrants fleeing from these states to the United States. More than 35 years later, America is fixated on a government shutdown, based on opposing campaign promises from President Trump and newly elected Democrats, and we have lost sight of the bigger picture: our hemisphere and our neighbors (especially the Northern Triangle) are in grave danger of continued, prolonged crises, with “too little, too late” responses from an exasperated U.S.

It’s time to admit that our half-hearted policies in the Northern Triangle have failed. As Henry Kissinger once said regarding the region, "There is, however, no logical argument for giving some aid but not enough."

The answer in the Northern Triangle isn’t just throwing more aid money at the problem. President Trump and many populist Democrats would balk at more foreign aid at a time when the focus is on rebuilding America. Instead, we need to beef up our partnership with our regional allies (Mexico and Colombia) to join an effort to focus on best practices from each country to aid the region’s failed states, and pressure these governments to stop endemic corruption and make the tough decisions needed for real change. The countries need a real “path to self-reliance” as Ambassador Mark Green (administrator for the U.S. Agency for International Development) has directed, and towards an era of good governance, strong security, tackling of narco-trafficking, and opportunity.

Many U.S. presidential administrations have attempted to aid the Northern Triangle. Former President George W. Bush negotiated CAFTA, and recently in 2015, then-Vice President Joe Biden developed his own LatAm plan, highlighting the importance of security in Central America to our own security here in the U.S. His January 2015 op-ed highlighted $1 billion in funding for the governments of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, to advance political reforms and increase security measures in order to assist local communities. Sadly, like many times before when it comes to Latin America, a well-meaning program at the tail end of a presidency wasn’t given the time for fruitful results.

So now the Trump administration, in a partnership with the governments of Mexico and Colombia, has a momentous opportunity to prioritize the Western Hemisphere and address some substantial issues facing the region. Of course, Mexico and Colombia are facing substantial challenges on their own. Mexico continues to battle crime and its own drug cartels, while Colombia’s newly elected Ivan Duque faces challenging political and systemic reforms and a dramatic growth in cocaine production. Regardless, the time is ripe for a coalition of countries dedicated to addressing this crisis of leadership in the Northern Triangle.

In addressing these seemingly insurmountable problems, we face an important differentiating factor today: the recognition that the U.S. doesn’t have all the solutions to overcoming the region’s challenges. The number and scale of the problems (rampant violence, crime, drugs, appalling and subpar living conditions) are too big for the U.S. to solve alone, and these key regional allies (Mexico, Colombia) have had to fight against these same problems for decades.

One of the under-told stories in 2018 is the success of the U.S.-Mexico partnership on several fronts, including the successful renegotiation of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement. Additionally, during the recent migrant caravan controversy, Mexico supported the administration by allowing migrants from the caravan to remain in Mexico while applying for asylum. In December, the State Department noted their continued partnership with Mexico on the Northern Triangle and noted a high level ministerial to address the ongoing crisis would take place in early 2019, which is a great start.

Meanwhile, the new administration in Colombia has also sought to more closely assert itself as a U.S. ally, instituting policies like tax and regulatory reform, and building a stronger military defense. This follows the success of Plan Colombia, a multi-pronged effort funded by nearly $10 billion in U.S. aid and enacted in 2000, which helped transform Colombia’s economy, security, and conflict and was successful in large part thanks to the willingness of the country’s political leadership to invest and make changes. Until the Northern Triangle countries feel enough pressure to take on responsibility for fixing their own countries, no plan and no solution will ever work.

Why is a regional partnership now needed? USAID estimated that “nearly 700,000 children from Central America made the dangerous journey alone to the U.S. southwest board in FY14” (emphasis added). While separating children at the border isn’t the answer, accepting hundreds of thousands of migrants and perpetuating the belief that this incredibly dangerous journey is permissible for these children isn’t acceptable either. These children deserve a better life, and the only holistic answer for them is to have nations that they can safely grow up in and call home.

Despite there being no overnight solution to solving the failed state problem in Northern Triangle countries, there are a mix of short- and long-term initiatives available. In the short term, Trump is right to put pressure on stopping the illegal flow of migrants into the U.S. from these countries. Many presidents before Trump initiated policies to stem the flow of illegal migration, and the perceived success of the caravan’s entry into the U.S. begets more migrants to embark on a perilous journey that benefits the most nefarious of characters — smugglers, drug cartels, etc. Democrats have many problems with Trump’s tone related to migrants, and the policies of splitting children and families from the border. While these policies would clearly not be included in a regional plan, no plan will ever work until migrants are disincentivized from entering the U.S. and Mexico illegally.

Longer term resolution requires this regional US, Mexico, and Colombia partnership: An honest assessment of what works and what doesn’t in each country, accountability measures, and a plan with teeth. The region must now lead an honest conversation around accountable political leadership in failed states, and change starts at home.

Morgan Ortagus is a Fox News contributor and a former U.S. Treasury Attaché. Matthew Swift is the co-founder and CEO of the Concordia Summit.

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